Born prematurely in 1588 as the Spanish Armada approached the English coast, Thomas Hobbes famously remarked that his mother "gave birth to twins: myself and fear." This defining moment set the emotional and intellectual tone for a life spent analyzing the fragility of peace and the terrifying potential of human conflict. Living through the tumultuous English Civil War, Hobbes witnessed firsthand the bloody chaos that ensues when political authority collapses, an experience that drove him to formulate a philosophy grounded in the absolute necessity of sovereignty to prevent societal disintegration. His intellectual journey took him from the quiet study of classics to the center of European intellectual life, where he engaged with scientific giants like Galileo and Descartes, yet his most enduring legacy remains his unflinching, often pessimistic look at the mechanics of human interaction and the requirements of civil order.
Unlike the idealists of his time who believed in the inherent goodness or divine spark of man, Hobbes argued that in a "state of nature," human life was fundamentally "nasty, brutish, and short." He posited that humans are driven by self-interest, a restless desire for power, and a fear of death, necessitating a powerful central authority—the Leviathan—to impose order and security. This radical departure from the divine right of kings to a social contract theory marked the dawn of modern political philosophy, shifting the focus from theological justifications of power to rational, secular pragmatism. His works, particularly *Leviathan*, remain foundational texts that challenge readers to consider the price of security and the nature of authority, arguing that the only way to escape the war of all against all is to mutually surrender individual liberties to a sovereign power.
Today, Hobbes’s insights are more relevant than ever as nations grapple with the delicate balance between individual liberty and collective security in an increasingly volatile world. His rigorous materialism and skepticism regarding spiritual authority earned him the moniker "The Monster of Malmesbury" in his time, yet history has vindicated his analytical prowess regarding the stability of states. By exploring his thoughts, we gain a profound understanding of the mechanics of power, the necessity of law, and the psychological underpinnings of human society. The following collection of quotes encapsulates the brilliance of a mind that dared to stare into the abyss of anarchy and construct a fortress of logic against it.
50 Popular Quotes from Thomas Hobbes
The State of Nature and the Necessity of Order
"The condition of man... is a condition of war of everyone against everyone."
This is perhaps the most famous encapsulation of Hobbes's view on the "state of nature," a theoretical time before governments existed. He argues that without a common power to keep them in awe, human beings will naturally fall into conflict due to competition, diffidence, and glory. In this state, there is no industry, no culture, and no navigation, because the fruit thereof is uncertain, leading to a life of constant fear. It serves as the foundational problem for which his Leviathan—the state—is the only solution.
"No arts; no letters; no society; and which is worst of all, continual fear and danger of violent death; and the life of man, solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short."
Here, Hobbes elaborates on the grim reality of life without political order, painting a bleak picture of human existence stripped of civilization. He emphasizes that all the comforts of life—art, literature, and community—are contingent upon peace, which can only be secured through a social contract. This quote is often cited to justify strong government, as the alternative is depicted as a hellscape of utter destitution and violence. It remains one of the most powerful arguments for the necessity of the state in the history of political thought.
"Force and fraud are in war the two cardinal virtues."
Hobbes strips away the romanticism of conflict, asserting that in a state of nature or war, traditional morality has no place. When survival is the only objective, deceit and violence become tools of necessity rather than vices to be condemned. This highlights his belief that morality is not inherent in human nature but is a construct of civil society enforced by law. Without a sovereign to define and enforce right and wrong, effective survival strategies—however brutal—become the only standard of behavior.
"To this war of every man against every man, this also is consequent; that nothing can be unjust."
In this profound statement, Hobbes links the concept of justice entirely to the existence of law and authority. He argues that where there is no common power, there is no law; and where there is no law, there is no injustice. Justice, therefore, is not a platonic ideal or a divine commandment, but a function of political contracts. This underscores his legal positivism, suggesting that rights and wrongs are artificial creations of the state, not natural properties of the universe.
"The passions that incline men to peace are fear of death; desire of such things as are necessary to commodious living; and a hope by their industry to obtain them."
While Hobbes is often viewed as a pessimist, this quote reveals his understanding of the rational motivations that drive humans toward civilization. He identifies self-preservation and the desire for a comfortable life as the primary engines that push people to leave the state of nature. It is not altruism or love that creates society, but a calculated trade-off to escape fear and poverty. This rational self-interest is the cornerstone of his social contract theory.
"During the time men live without a common power to keep them all in awe, they are in that condition which is called war."
Hobbes clarifies that "war" does not necessarily mean constant fighting, but rather the known disposition to fight and the lack of assurance of peace. Just as foul weather lies not in a shower of rain but in an inclination thereto, the state of war exists whenever there is no security. This emphasizes the psychological toll of anarchy, where the threat of violence is as damaging to human progress as violence itself. The "common power" is the only mechanism capable of removing this pervasive anxiety.
"Nature hath made men so equal in the faculties of body and mind as that, though there be found one man sometimes manifestly stronger in body or of quicker mind than another, yet when all is reckoned together the difference between man and man is not so considerable."
This is a radical assertion of equality, claiming that even the weakest person has the capacity to kill the strongest, either through secret machination or confederacy. Because everyone poses a lethal threat to everyone else, no one can be secure based on their own strength alone. This natural equality breeds hope in attaining one's ends, which in turn leads to competition and conflict. It is this terrifying equality of capability that necessitates a sovereign to impose an artificial inequality of power.
"For such is the nature of men, that howsoever they may acknowledge many others to be more witty, or more eloquent, or more learned; yet they will hardly believe there be many so wise as themselves."
Hobbes displays a sharp wit regarding human vanity, noting that most people believe they possess a greater share of wisdom than their neighbors. This intellectual arrogance contributes to conflict, as individuals are unwilling to defer to the judgment of others, leading to disputes that cannot be resolved without an arbitrator. It highlights the subjective nature of human perception and the difficulty of achieving consensus in a group of equals. This psychological insight reinforces the need for an external authority to settle disagreements.
"Covenants, without the sword, are but words and of no strength to secure a man at all."
This pithy maxim summarizes Hobbes's view on the enforcement of international law and domestic contracts. A verbal agreement or a moral promise is useless unless there is a coercive power to punish those who break it. Trust, for Hobbes, is insufficient; fear of punishment is the only reliable motivator for adherence to the law. This realism suggests that the authority of the state must be backed by the credible threat of force to be effective.
"Liberty, to define it truly, is a freedom from chains and from prison."
Hobbes adopts a "negative" definition of liberty, viewing it strictly in physical and material terms rather than as a spiritual or political right. For him, you are free if you are not physically hindered from doing what you have the will to do. He distinguishes this from the "liberties" often claimed by revolutionaries, arguing that true liberty is consistent with absolute power. This definition seeks to demystify the concept of freedom, stripping it of the rhetorical power often used to incite rebellion.
The Leviathan and Sovereignty
"The obligation of subjects to the sovereign is understood to last as long, and no longer, than the power lasteth by which he is able to protect them."
While Hobbes advocates for absolute sovereignty, he includes a crucial caveat: the legitimacy of the ruler is tied to their ability to provide security. If the Leviathan fails to protect the lives of the subjects, the social contract is broken, and individuals revert to their right of self-defense. This introduces a utilitarian element to his theory; allegiance is exchanged for safety, not given by divine mandate. It implies that a failed state loses its claim to authority.
"It is not wisdom but Authority that makes a law."
Hobbes attacks the tradition of common law and the idea that laws are discovered through reason or ancient custom. Instead, he asserts that law is simply the command of the sovereign, regardless of its wisdom or morality. This "command theory of law" places the will of the ruler above the interpretations of judges or philosophers. It ensures that there is no competing source of legitimacy that could challenge the state, thereby preventing civil war.
"A man's conscience and his judgment is the same thing, and as the judgment, so also the conscience may be erroneous."
By equating conscience with private judgment, Hobbes dismisses the idea that individuals should follow their conscience against the law. He argues that claiming "conscience" is often just a stubborn refusal to obey the sovereign's public conscience (the law). Allowing every man to be ruled by his own conscience leads to chaos, as consciences differ. Therefore, in a civil society, the law must supersede individual moral qualms to maintain order.
"The sovereign power is not so hurtful as the want of it."
Hobbes addresses the critics who fear the tyranny of an absolute ruler by arguing that the alternative—civil war and anarchy—is infinitely worse. He acknowledges that rulers may be imperfect or harsh, but insists that the inconveniences of government are minor compared to the miseries of a lawless condition. This is a pragmatic defense of authoritarianism based on the minimization of suffering. It asks the citizen to accept the lesser of two evils.
"Understanding is nothing else than conception caused by speech."
This quote links Hobbes’s political theory with his philosophy of language, suggesting that our ability to reason and understand political concepts relies on how we define words. He believed that much political conflict arose from confused definitions and the misuse of language. The sovereign, therefore, acts as the ultimate definer of terms, stabilizing language to stabilize society. Without a central authority to fix meanings, humans will fight over interpretations.
"Words are wise men's counters, they do but reckon by them: but they are the money of fools."
Hobbes warns that we must control language rather than letting language control us; wise men use words as tools for calculation, while fools value them as if they were truth itself. He criticizes those who are swayed by rhetoric or empty phrases without understanding the underlying reality. This skepticism of rhetoric is central to his critique of political demagogues who use flowery language to incite the masses. It calls for a precise, scientific approach to political discourse.
"Curiosity is the lust of the mind."
In this vivid metaphor, Hobbes describes the intellectual drive as a form of appetite, similar to hunger or sexual desire. He sees curiosity as a relentless pursuit of knowledge that distinguishes humans from animals, who only seek to satisfy immediate physical needs. This "lust" drives the development of science and philosophy, but it also leads to the questioning of authority. It reflects his materialist psychology, where all mental states are derived from physical sensations and desires.
"Leisure is the mother of philosophy."
Hobbes acknowledges that higher thinking and cultural development are only possible when the basic struggle for survival has been suspended. In the state of nature, there is no time for philosophy because every moment is consumed by fear and defense. The state, by providing security, creates the leisure time necessary for the arts and sciences to flourish. Thus, the Leviathan is the protector of civilization and intellectual progress.
"To speak impartially, both sayings are very true; That Man to Man is a kind of God; and that Man to Man is an arrant Wolf."
Here, Hobbes captures the duality of the human condition in relation to civil society. When citizens cooperate under the laws of a state, they achieve god-like feats of civilization, justice, and charity. However, when the state dissolves and they return to nature, they become predatory wolves to one another. The difference between the god and the wolf is simply the existence of the Commonwealth.
"A kingdom divided in itself cannot stand."
Quoting scripture to support his political theory, Hobbes argues against the separation of powers. He believes that dividing authority between the church and the state, or between a King and a Parliament, inevitably leads to civil war. Sovereignty must be indivisible and absolute to be effective. Any attempt to balance power creates cracks in the foundation of the state, eventually causing it to crumble.
Human Nature, Psychology, and Motivation
"I put for a general inclination of all mankind, a perpetual and restless desire of power after power, that ceaseth only in death."
This is one of Hobbes's most definitive statements on human psychology. He argues that humans are never satisfied; once one desire is fulfilled, a new one arises, requiring more power to secure it. This endless pursuit is not necessarily malicious but is a mechanism of survival and felicity in a competitive world. It explains why peace is so difficult to maintain—human ambition is structurally insatiable.
"The secret thoughts of a man run over all things, holy, profane, clean, obscene, grave, and light, without shame, or blame."
Hobbes offers a candid look at the internal life of the mind, acknowledging that human imagination is unbound by social rules. In the privacy of one's thoughts, there are no laws, and the mind wanders freely through moral and immoral territories. This highlights the distinction between internal belief and external obedience. The state can control actions and speech, but it cannot police the chaotic flux of the human imagination.
"Laughter is nothing else but sudden glory arising from some sudden conception of some eminency in ourselves, by comparison with the infirmity of others, or with our own formerly."
Hobbes provides a cynical but acute analysis of humor, rooting it in superiority and ego. We laugh, he claims, when we feel better than someone else or better than our past selves. This fits his general theory that humans are driven by pride and competition. Even in our moments of levity, we are asserting dominance or relief at not being the one who failed.
"Fear of things invisible is the natural seed of that which every one in himself calleth religion."
Hobbes analyzes the psychological roots of religion, attributing it to the human anxiety regarding the unknown and the future. Lacking scientific explanations for natural events, early humans posited invisible agents (spirits or gods) to explain cause and effect. While he does not dismiss God, he suggests that much of religious practice stems from fear and ignorance of natural causes. This rationalist critique paved the way for the Enlightenment's scrutiny of religious institutions.
"He that is to govern a whole nation must read in himself, not this or that particular man; but mankind."
Hobbes advises the sovereign to understand universal human psychology rather than getting bogged down in the quirks of individuals. By introspection, a ruler can understand the passions—fear, desire, hope—that drive all subjects. This suggests that political science is ultimately rooted in the science of the mind. A successful ruler is one who understands the fundamental machinery of human behavior.
"Sudden courage is anger."
In his dissection of emotions, Hobbes reduces virtues to physiological reactions. Courage is not a noble spirit bestowed by heaven, but a flare of anger that overrides fear in the moment. This reductionist approach strips away the romanticism of chivalry and heroism. It aligns with his materialist view that all emotions are motions of the blood and spirits within the body.
"Imagination is nothing but decaying sense."
Hobbes argues that all thoughts originate from physical sensations. Imagination is simply the residual, fading after-image of something we have seen, heard, or felt. This empiricist stance denies the existence of innate ideas, grounding all human knowledge in the material world. It reinforces his view that humans are biological machines responding to physical stimuli.
"Prudence is a presumption of the future, contracted from the experience of time past."
Hobbes defines prudence (or wisdom) not as a magical insight, but as pattern recognition based on memory. The more experience one has, the better one can predict outcomes, but it is never certain. This demystifies wisdom, making it a mechanical process of data accumulation. It implies that political leadership requires experience and historical knowledge, not divine inspiration.
"The value of all things contracted for, is measured by the appetite of the contractors."
Anticipating modern economic theory, Hobbes argues that value is subjective. There is no "intrinsic" value in an object; it is worth whatever someone is willing to give for it based on their desire. This applies to labor and goods, reinforcing his view of society as a marketplace of self-interested actors. It strips away moral concepts of "fair price," replacing them with market dynamics.
"Appetite, with an opinion of attaining, is called hope; the same, without such opinion, despair."
Hobbes categorizes human emotions as combinations of desire and expectation. Hope is simply desire plus the belief that it is possible; despair is desire minus that belief. This analytical breakdown of emotion shows his attempt to create a "geometry of the passions." It suggests that the stability of the state depends on managing the hopes and despairs of the population.
Law, Justice, and Society
"Where there is no common power, there is no law, where no law, no injustice."
Reiterating his legal positivism, Hobbes emphasizes that justice is a construct of the state. In nature, everyone has a right to everything, including another's body, which makes the concept of theft or murder meaningless in a legal sense. Only when a sovereign draws lines and sets rules do these concepts emerge. This creates a sharp divide between natural liberty and civil duty.
"The right of nature... is the liberty each man hath to use his own power, as he will himself, for the preservation of his own nature; that is to say, of his own life."
Hobbes defines "natural right" as the absolute freedom to do whatever is necessary to survive. Unlike later thinkers who saw natural rights as moral entitlements (like free speech), Hobbes sees them as the raw liberty to survive by any means. This unrestricted right is exactly what makes the state of nature a state of war. Peace requires us to lay down this right.
"A law of nature, (lex naturalis,) is a precept, or general rule, found out by reason, by which a man is forbidden to do that which is destructive of his life."
Hobbes distinguishes between the "right of nature" (freedom to do anything) and the "law of nature" (rational rules to stay alive). The first law of nature is to seek peace, because peace is the best way to survive. Reason dictates that we should compromise and cooperate, not out of morality, but out of a desperate need for self-preservation.
"The definition of injustice is no other than the not performance of covenant."
Once a contract is made and a sovereign is established, injustice becomes strictly defined as breaking one's word. If you agreed to obey the law in exchange for protection, violating the law is a logical contradiction and an injustice. This formalizes morality into a system of contractual obligations. It removes ambiguity from the legal system.
"Science is the knowledge of consequences, and dependence of one fact upon another."
Hobbes views science not just as the study of nature, but as the study of cause and effect in all fields, including politics. If we understand the consequences of anarchy, we will scientifically deduce the necessity of the Leviathan. He aspired to make politics as rigorous as geometry. This reflects the 17th-century optimism in the power of reason to solve human problems.
"The privilege of absurdity; to which no living creature is subject, but man only."
Hobbes notes that animals do not speak, and therefore cannot talk nonsense. Humans, however, through the misuse of language and philosophy, can create entirely absurd concepts and fight wars over them. He particularly targeted scholastic philosophers and theologians for creating meaningless jargon. This serves as a warning to be precise in our language and skeptical of abstract dogmas.
"Whatever is imagined is finite. Therefore there is no idea, or conception of any thing we call infinite."
Consistent with his materialism, Hobbes argues that the human mind cannot truly grasp the infinite (God). We can know *that* God exists, but we cannot know *what* God is. Consequently, religious language is an expression of honor, not a description of reality. This undermines the authority of theologians who claim to know the mind of God, subordinating them to the secular ruler.
"Moral philosophy is nothing else but the science of what is good, and evil, in the conversation and society of mankind."
Hobbes redefines moral philosophy as a practical science of social interaction. Good and evil are not cosmic truths but terms signifying what leads to peace (good) and what leads to war (evil). This pragmatic approach strips morality of its mystical elements. It focuses entirely on the functional requirements of living together.
"It is one thing to desire, another to be in capacity fit for what we desire."
Hobbes distinguishes between ambition and competence. Many desire to rule or to be wealthy, but lack the prudence or strength to achieve it. This gap between desire and ability is a source of frustration and conflict. A well-ordered society helps manage these disparities through law and hierarchy.
"Kindness cannot be bought with money."
Despite his cynicism, Hobbes recognizes that genuine goodwill (benevolence) is distinct from transactional relationships. While the state is built on transactions (protection for obedience), personal relationships operate differently. However, he warns that relying on kindness in politics is foolish; systems must be built on the assumption of self-interest.
Religion, Reason, and Philosophy
"For it is with the mysteries of our religion, as with wholesome pills for the sick, which swallowed whole, have the virtue to cure; but chewed, are for the most part cast up again without effect."
Hobbes advises that religious dogmas should be accepted on faith without over-analyzing them. If people begin to dissect and debate every religious mystery using reason, it leads to schism and conflict. This supports his view that public religion should be uniform and controlled by the state to maintain order. Faith is for obedience, not for logical disputation.
"The Papacy is no other than the Ghost of the deceased Roman Empire, sitting crowned upon the grave thereof."
In this famous anti-Catholic jab, Hobbes dismisses the authority of the Pope. He views the Catholic Church as a political remnant of Rome attempting to usurp the power of sovereign kings. This reinforces his Erastian view that the church must be subordinate to the state. Spiritual power cannot be allowed to challenge the civil sovereign.
"There is no such thing as perpetual tranquillity of mind while we live here; because life itself is but motion, and can never be without desire, nor without fear, no more than without sense."
Hobbes denies the possibility of a utopia or a state of perfect contentment. As long as we are alive, we are biological machines in motion, constantly desiring and fearing. Political solutions cannot create heaven on earth; they can only manage the chaos. This realism sets the bar for success at "peace and security," not "perfect happiness."
"Reason is the pace; increase of science, the way; and the benefit of mankind, the end."
Hobbes outlines the purpose of intellectual endeavor. Reason is the tool (the pace) we use to walk the path of science, with the ultimate goal of improving human life. This utilitarian view of knowledge rejects knowledge for its own sake. Philosophy must be practical and serve to reduce suffering.
"Words are the counters of wise men, and the money of fools."
(Note: A variation of a previous principle, emphasized here for its epistemological weight). Hobbes reiterates that words are merely placeholders for thoughts. We must not mistake the map for the territory. In politics and religion, people often fight over words (labels, titles) rather than realities.
"To know the natural cause of sense, is not very necessary to the business now in hand; and I have elsewhere written of the same at large."
Hobbes often separates his physics from his politics, though they are related. He acknowledges that while understanding optics and biology is interesting, the urgent task is political stability. This shows his prioritization of the "science of the state" over natural sciences in times of crisis.
"They that approve a private opinion, call it opinion; but they that mislike it, heresy: and yet heresy signifies no more than private opinion."
Hobbes deconstructs the language of religious persecution. "Heresy" is simply a label used by the powerful to demonize those who disagree. By exposing the subjective nature of these terms, he advocates for the sovereign to control religious doctrine to prevent these labels from causing civil war. It is a plea for the neutralization of religious language in politics.
"Metaphor, and senseless and ambiguous words, are like ignes fatui; and reasoning upon them is wandering amongst innumerable absurdities."
Hobbes attacks the use of metaphor in rigorous argument. While metaphors are good for poetry, they are dangerous in law and philosophy because they obscure the truth. He demands literalism and clarity to prevent misunderstanding. This is a foundational principle of his analytic philosophy.
"The praise of ancient authors proceeds not from the reverence of the dead, but from the competition and mutual envy of the living."
Hobbes suggests that people praise ancient philosophers (like Aristotle) not out of genuine respect, but to use them as weapons against their contemporary rivals. It is a way of saying, "I have the ancients on my side, so I am right." This cynicism regarding intellectual tradition allowed him to break with the past and create something new.
"I am about to take my last voyage, a great leap in the dark."
Attributed to Hobbes on his deathbed, this quote encapsulates his ultimate skepticism. Despite all his rational constructions and materialist certainty, death remained an unknown frontier. It humanizes the "Monster of Malmesbury," showing that even the architect of the Leviathan faced the end with uncertainty.
The Legacy of the Leviathan
Thomas Hobbes remains one of the most polarizing yet indispensable figures in Western thought. By stripping away the illusions of noble savagery and divine right, he forced humanity to look in the mirror and see the raw, competitive, and fearful nature reflected back. His solution—the absolute sovereign—was controversial in his day and remains so in ours, yet his diagnosis of the human condition is undeniably piercing. He established the framework for modern political science: the idea that the state is a man-made machine designed to solve a specific problem—the problem of disorder.
In an era of failing states, global insecurity, and polarized societies, Hobbes’s *Leviathan* casts a long shadow. He challenges us to ask difficult questions: How much liberty are we willing to sacrifice for security? Is a flawed government better than no government at all? His relentless logic forces us to acknowledge that civilization is fragile, held together not by natural goodness, but by the artificial bonds of law and the fear of consequences. To read Hobbes is to undergo a rigorous education in reality, leaving one with a profound appreciation for the peace that civil society provides.
**What do you think? Is Hobbes's view of human nature too pessimistic, or is it a necessary realism for maintaining order? Leave a comment below and join the debate!**
Recommendations
If you enjoyed exploring the mind of Thomas Hobbes, you will find these authors on Quotyzen.com equally fascinating:
* **Niccolò Machiavelli:** The Italian diplomat who, like Hobbes, separated morality from politics, arguing in *The Prince* that effective leadership often requires ruthlessness and pragmatism over virtue.
* **John Locke:** A fellow Englishman who built upon Hobbes's social contract theory but reached a very different conclusion, arguing for natural rights to life, liberty, and property, and the right to revolution.
* **Jean-Jacques Rousseau:** The counter-weight to Hobbes, who argued that man is naturally good and free, and that it is civilization and institutions that have corrupted and enslaved humanity.